.
They will also undermine Israel's attempts to suggest that, if it has
nuclear weapons, it is a "responsible" power that would not misuse them,
whereas countries such as Iran cannot be trusted.
A spokeswoman for Peres today said the report was baseless and there were
"never any negotiations" between the two countries. She did not comment on
the authenticity of the documents.
South African documents show that the apartheid-era military wanted the
missiles as a deterrent and for potential strikes against neighbouring
states.
The documents show both sides met on 31 March 1975. Polakow-Suransky
writes in his book published in the US this week, The Unspoken Alliance:
Israel's secret alliance with apartheid South Africa. At the talks Israeli
officials "formally offered to sell South Africa some of the nuclear-capable
Jericho missiles in its arsenal".
Among those attending the meeting was the South African military chief of
staff, Lieutenant General RF Armstrong. He immediately drew up a memo in
which he laid out the benefits of South Africa obtaining the Jericho
missiles but only if they were fitted with nuclear weapons.
The memo, marked "top secret" and dated the same day as the meeting with
the Israelis, has previously been revealed but its context was not fully
understood because it was not known to be directly linked to the Israeli
offer on the same day and that it was the basis for a direct request to
Israel. In it, Armstrong writes: "In considering the merits of a weapon
system such as the one being offered, certain assumptions have been made: a)
That the missiles will be armed with nuclear warheads manufactured in RSA
(Republic of South Africa) or acquired elsewhere."
But South Africa was years from being able to build atomic weapons. A
little more than two months later, on 4 June, Peres and Botha met in Zurich.
By then the Jericho project had the codename Chalet.
The top secret minutes of the meeting record that: "Minister Botha
expressed interest in a limited number of units of Chalet subject to the
correct payload being available." The document then records: "Minister Peres
said the correct payload was available in three sizes. Minister Botha
expressed his appreciation and said that he would ask for advice." The
"three sizes" are believed to refer to the conventional, chemical and
nuclear weapons.
The use of a euphemism, the "correct payload", reflects Israeli
sensitivity over the nuclear issue and would not have been used had it been
referring to conventional weapons. It can also only have meant nuclear
warheads as Armstrong's memorandum makes clear South Africa was interested
in the Jericho missiles solely as a means of delivering nuclear weapons.
In addition, the only payload the South Africans would have needed to
obtain from Israel was nuclear. The South Africans were capable of putting
together other warheads.
Botha did not go ahead with the deal in part because of the cost. In
addition, any deal would have to have had final approval by Israel's prime
minister and it is uncertain it would have been forthcoming.
South Africa eventually built its own nuclear bombs, albeit possibly with
Israeli assistance. But the collaboration on military technology only grew
over the following years. South Africa also provided much of the yellowcake
uranium that Israel required to develop its weapons.
The documents confirm accounts by a former South African naval commander,
Dieter Gerhardt – jailed in 1983 for spying for the Soviet Union. After his
release with the collapse of apartheid, Gerhardt said there was an agreement
between Israel and South Africa called Chalet which involved an offer by the
Jewish state to arm eight Jericho missiles with "special warheads". Gerhardt
said these were atomic bombs. But until now there has been no documentary
evidence of the offer.
Some weeks before Peres made his offer of nuclear warheads to Botha, the
two defence ministers signed a covert agreement governing the military
alliance known as Secment. It was so secret that it included a denial of its
own existence: "It is hereby expressly agreed that the very existence of
this agreement... shall be secret and shall not be disclosed by either
party".
The agreement also said that neither party could unilaterally renounce
it.
The existence of Israel's nuclear weapons programme was revealed by
Mordechai Vanunu to the Sunday Times in 1986. He provided photographs taken
inside the Dimona nuclear site and gave detailed descriptions of the
processes involved in producing part of the nuclear material but provided no
written documentation.
Documents seized by Iranian students from the US embassy in Tehran after
the 1979 revolution revealed the Shah expressed an interest to Israel in
developing nuclear arms. But the South African documents offer confirmation
Israel was in a position to arm Jericho missiles with nuclear warheads.
Israel pressured the present South African government not to declassify
documents obtained by Polakow-Suransky. "The Israeli defence ministry tried
to block my access to the Secment agreement on the grounds it was sensitive
material, especially the signature and the date," he said. "The South
Africans didn't seem to care; they blacked out a few lines and handed it
over to me. The ANC government is not so worried about protecting the dirty
laundry of the apartheid regime's old allies."
EVEN CBS NEWS NOW ADMITS ISRAEL HAS BEEN A NUCLEAR POWER ALL ALONG!