The case of Albert Speer, one-time Hitler confidant and wartime Armaments Minister, deserves special mention. His Nuremberg defense strategy was unique and also rather successful because he did not hang. While maintaining that he personally knew nothing of an extermination program during the war, he nevertheless declared himself morally culpable for having worked so diligently for a regime he belatedly came to regard as evil. After serving a twenty-year sentence in Spandau prison, the "repentant Nazi" was "rehabilitated" by the mass media for his somewhat subtle but fervent condemnation of the Hitler regime. His contrite memoir, published in the US as Inside the Third Reich, was highly acclaimed and sold very profitably in Europe and America.

Until his death in 1981, Speer steadfastly insisted that he did not know of any extermination program or gassings during the war. His position was remarkable because, if a wartime policy to exterminate the Jews had actually existed, almost no one would have been in a better position to have known about it. As Reich Armaments Minister, Speer was responsible for the continental mobilization of all available resources, including critically needed Jewish workers. That millions of Jews could have been transported across Europe and killed at a wartime industrial center as important as Auschwitz, and elsewhere, without Speer's knowledge simply defies belief. [103]

During the Nuremberg "Wilhelmstrasse" trial, the chief of the Reich Chancellery from 1933 to 1945, Hans Lammers, was asked if he "was still of the opinion that no program for exterminating the Jews was ever set up." He answered: "Yes, I am of that opinion. At least the program never came to my attention. The program cannot have been set up." Lammers, who was Hitler's closest legal adviser, went on the explain: "I did not know of any mass killings and, of the cases I heard about, the reports were allegations, rumors … The fact that individual cases occurred here and there, the shooting of Jews in wartime in some towns or other, that I read something about that and heard something about that, that is very easily possible." [104]

Such testimony by the men who were most familiar with Germany's overall Jewish policy is routinely dismissed as brazen lying. But the categorical and self-consistent nature of this testimony, sometimes by men who knew that death soon awaited them, suggests a core of truth. On the other hand, to accept the Holocaust extermination story means giving greater credibility to the most fantastic and often demonstrably false testimonies by very questionable witnesses.

During the decades since Nuremberg, many individuals have been tried in (West) Germany and other countries for alleged wartime participation in exterminating the Jews. Rarely, if ever, has a defendant ever substantially challenged the Holocaust story. The accused invariably adopted the defense strategy successfully used by Speer at Nuremberg: He accepted the extermination story but denied or minimized his own personal involvement. To deny an extermination program in trials that were organized on the working assumption that such a program existed would have been judicial suicide.

These trials are comparable in some respects to the Soviet show trials of 1936-1938. The defendants in the well-publicized Moscow trials never denied the existence of vast criminal conspiracies involving major Soviet personalities who supposedly plotted the most horrible crimes in league with hostile foreign powers. Instead, the accused pleaded that he was not personally guilty, or that his guilt was minimal and that he had truly repented. (Remarkably, even foreign observers who should have known better, such as US Ambassador in Moscow Joseph Davies, were inclined to accept the Stalinist show trials as genuine and essentially just.) [105]

Comparisons have also been drawn between the "Holocaust" trials and the witchcraft trials of past centuries. Those accused of witchcraft never denied the existence or diabolical power of witches. Instead they insisted that they were not personally guilty of the charges against them. Nuremberg defendant Hans Fritzsche, who had been one of Germany's most prominent and effective wartime radio news commentators, summed up the problem: "If someone accuses me of killing someone, than I can prove the contrary. But if I am accused of being the devil, there's no way to disprove that, because it can't be done." [106]

One of the most important of the post-Nuremberg "Holocaust" trials was the 1963-1965 Frankfurt "Auschwitz" trial of 22 former Auschwitz SS men. The lengthy case received worldwide media coverage and assumed something of the character of a show trial. [107] Deciding the guilt or innocence of the defendants was "extraordinarily difficult," the judges declared in their verdict, because of the very inconclusive nature of the evidence. "We have no absolute evidence for the individual killings. We have only the witness testimonies." The judges acknowledged that "the possibilities of verifying the witness declarations were very limited." The judges further emphasized "this weakness of witness testimony" by citing the case of a Buchenwald official convicted of murdering an inmate who later turned up alive. [108]

This situation was embarrassingly underscored during the trial when former inmate Rudolf Kauer suddenly repudiated earlier statements about his one-time SS masters. In pre-trial interrogation he claimed to have seen defendant Wilhelm Boger brutally beat a naked Polish woman with a horse whip, ripping off one breast and flooding a room with blood. When asked to repeat his statement in court, Kauer admitted: "I lied about that. That was just a yarn going around the camp. I never saw it … " Another claim that Boger had smashed an infant's skull against a tree trunk was also not true, he confessed. Although Boger was not liked, Kauer told the court, he was actually a just SS man.

Another defendant, Klaus Dylewski, whom Kauer had called "one of the worse killers" at Auschwitz, was actually "harmless." All of his pre-trial accusations were lies, Kauer said, calmly adding: "You can punish me if you want. I am used to that." After the presiding judge admonished him several times for repudiating his earlier statements, Kauer replied: "We don't need to lose any more words. It's not worth it. What I say now is the truth." [109]

Former Auschwitz camp adjutant and SS Captain Robert Mulka, the main defendant in the trial, was pronounced guilty of participation in mass murder and sentenced to 14 years at hard labor, a verdict that many outsiders considered outrageously lenient. But less than four months later Mulka was quietly released, an outcome that should astonish only those not familiar with the nature of such trials. [110]

Very few of those who glibly refer to "all the Nuremberg evidence" as proof for the Holocaust extermination story are familiar with either the real nature of this "evidence" or the character of these trials. On closer examination, solid documentary or forensic evidence of a wartime German policy to exterminate Europe's Jews proves to be elusive. As we have seen, the evidence that has been presented consists largely of extorted confessions, spurious testimonies, and fraudulent documents. The postwar Nuremberg trials were politically motivated proceedings meant more to discredit the leaders of a defeated regime than to establish truth.

We do not need trials or "confessions" to prove that the Katyn massacre or the postwar deportation of Germans from eastern and central Europe actually took place. By comparison, the Holocaust story does not claim just a few isolated massacres, but a vast extermination program taking place across the European continent over a three-year period involving several governments and millions of people. The fact that the Holocaust story must rely so heavily on highly dubious testimony evidence and trials staged in a historically unparalleled atmosphere of hysteria, intimidation and propaganda demonstrates its inherent weakness.

See also:

1. Office of the United States Chief of Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality, Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression (11 vols.), Washington, DC: U.S. Govt., 1946-1948. (The "red series.") / NC&A, Vol. 1, pp. 134- 135.
2. International Military Tribunal, Trial of the Major War Criminals Before the International Military Tribunal. 42 vols. Nuremberg: 1947-1949. (The "blue series.") / IMT, vol. 19, p. 501.
3. See the succinct declaration by all the German defense attorneys in the IMT case. Published in: Jay W. Baird, ed., From Nuremberg to My Lai (Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath, 1972), pp. 81-83.; Note also the summary comment by Hans Lammers of the Nuremberg verdict against him, in: Georg Franz-Willing, Die Reichskanzlei 1933-1945 (Tübingen: 1984), p. 221.
4. Werner Maser, Nuremberg: A Nation on Trial (New York: Scribner's, 1979), pp. 281, 282.; The liberal American weekly Nation editorially acknowledged in October 1945: "The Nuremberg court is political court with a political job to perform." Nation, Oct. 27, 1945, p. 418. Quoted in: James J. Martin, Revisionist Viewpoints (Colorado Springs: 1971), p. 125.
5. International Military Tribunal, Trial of the Major War Criminals... ("blue series"), IMT, Vol. 19, p. 398. (Testimony of July 26, 1946).; In a letter to his wife, written shortly before his execution, former Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop commented: "Everyone knows that the [guilty] verdict is utterly untenable, but I was once Adolf Hitler's Foreign Minister and politics demands that for this fact I shall be condemned." Quoted in: Joachim C. Fest, The Face of the Third Reich (New York: 1970), p. 185.
6. Robert Conquest, The Great Terror (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 92.
7. Report of Robert H. Jackson, United States Representative to the International Conference on Military Trials, London, 1945 (Washington, DC: US State Dept., 1949), pp. 104-106, 303.; Whitney R. Harris, Tyranny on Trial: The Evidence at Nuremberg (Dallas: S.M.U. Press, 1954), pp. 16-17.; Leo Kahn, Nuremberg Trials (New York: Ballantine, 1972), p. 26.
8. Nahum Goldmann, The Jewish Paradox (New York: 1978), p. 122.; N. Goldmann, The Autobiography of Nahum Goldmann (New York: 1969), pp. 216-217.; WJC official Rabbi Maurice Perlzweig claimed in 1949 that "it was the WJC which had secured the holding of the Nuremberg Trials … " See: "W.J.C. Claims: The Nuremberg Trials," Jewish Chronicle (London), Dec. 16, 1949, p. 17. See also confirmatory letter by Zelmanovits in: Jewish Chronicle, Dec. 30, 1949, p. 16. Note also: Milton R. Konvitz, "Will Nuremberg Serve Justice?," Commentary (New York), Vol. I, No. 3, January 1946, p. 11.
9. World Jewish Congress, Unity in Dispersion (New York: WJC, 1948), pp. 141, 264, 266, 267.
10. Robert E. Conot, Justice at Nuremberg (New York: Harper & Row, 1983), pp. 10-13; Bradley F. Smith, Reaching Judgment at Nuremberg (New York: Basic, 1977), pp. 26-33. Tom Bower, Blind Eye to Murder (London: 1983), pp. 116 f. On the other hand, American-Jewish newspaper publisher Joseph Pulitzer did not favor such trials. In May 1945 he urged that 1.5 million leading Germans should be simply be summarily shot. The New York Times, May 23, 1945, p. 11.
11. Arthur R. Butz, The Hoax of the Twentieth Century (IHR, 1983), pp. 27-30, 100. Sources cited: Ted Berkman, Cast a Giant Shadow (1962); "War Crimes" article written by Marcus in Britannica Book of the Year, 1947, pp. 819-21; Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 11, p. 945; Saturday Evening Post, Dec. 4, 1948, p. 179. See also: R. Conot, Justice at Nuremberg (1983), p. 11.
12. Hal Foust, "Nazi Trial Judge Rips 'Injustice'," Chicago Tribune, Feb. 23, 1948, pp. 1, 2.
13. Alpheus T. Mason, Harlan Fiske Stone: Pillar of the Law (New York: Viking, 1956), p. 716.
14. Congressional Record - Appendix, Vol. 95, Sec. 14, (June 15, 1949), p. A 3741.
15. Congressional Record - House, Vol. 93, Sec. 9, (Nov. 28, 1947), p. 10938. Also quoted in: W. Bosch, Judgment on Nuremberg (1970), p. 83.
16. Delivered at Kenyon College, Ohio, Oct. 5, 1946. Vital Speeches of the Day, Nov. 1, 1946, p. 47. Text also published in: Jay W. Baird, ed., From Nuremberg to My Lai (Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath, 1972), pp. 107-113. See also: William Bosch, Judgment on Nuremberg (1970), pp. 73-81. Taft's devotion to principle during a time of widespread anti-German hysteria impressed John F. Kennedy, who praised the Ohio senator's stand in his award-winning best seller, Profiles in Courage.
17. M. R. Konvitz, "Will Nuremberg Serve Justice?," Commentary, January 1946 (Vol. I, No. 3), p. 11.
18. H. K. Thompson and H. Strutz, eds., Doenitz at Nuremberg: A Reappraisal (IHR, 1983), p. 196.
19. H. K. Thompson and H. Strutz, eds., Doenitz at Nuremberg (1983), pp. 194-195. Similarly, British Admiral Sir Barry Domville, former Director of British Naval Intelligence and President of the Royal Naval College, stated: "Anybody who was a victim of the iniquitous Nuremberg Trials has my deep sympathy. I am only surprised that so many reputable men in both our countries were found willing to take part in such a travesty of justice … The Nuremberg Trials leave an indelible blot upon the reputations of all countries which took part in them." (H. K. Thompson and H. Strutz, eds., Doenitz at Nuremberg, p. 164.)
20. Henry Fairlie, "How the Good War Went Bad," The New Republic, May 20, 1985, pp. 18 ff.
21. Henry L. Stimson, who had served as US Secretary of War, 1940-1945, wrote in 1947: " … In the judgment of Nuremberg there is affirmed the central principle of peace … A standard has been raised to which Americans, at least, must repair; for it is only as this standard is accepted, supported and enforced that we can move onward to a world of law and peace." Quoted in: Jay W. Baird, ed., From Nuremberg to My Lai (Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath, 1972), p. 125. Nuremberg Tribunal defendant Alfred Rosenberg declared: "I frankly welcome the idea that a crime of genocide is to be outlawed by international agreement and placed under the severest penalties … " International Military Tribunal, Trial of the Major War Criminals … ("blue series"), IMT, vol. 22, p. 382.
22. W. Bosch, Judgment on Nuremberg (1970), p. 189.
23. Werner Maser, Nuremberg: A Nation on Trial (1979), pp. 69, 302 (n. 23). See also: James McMillan, Five Men at Nuremberg (London: 1985), pp. 412-413.
24. See: Ulrich Stern, ed., Die wahren Schuldigen am zweiten Weltkrieg (Munich: 1990).
25. Jackson letter to Truman, Oct. 12, 1945. State Department files. Quoted in: R. Conot, Justice at Nuremberg (1983), p. 68.
26. Constantine FitzGibbon, Denazification (New York: W. W. Norton, 1969), pp. 71-72.
27. "Behind the scenes at Nuremberg," Daily Telegraph (London), Jan. 27, 1977, p. 19.; J. McMillan, Five Men at Nuremberg (1985), pp. 245, 414.
28. See: Richard H. Minear, Victor's Justice: The Tokyo War Crimes Trial (Tokyo: C. Tuttle, 1984), p. 57.
29. M. Vozlenski, Der Spiegel, Oct. 6, 1986 (No. 41), pp. 55 ff.
30. George F. Kennan, Memoirs 1925-1950 (Boston: Little Brown, 1967), pp. 175, 261.
31. "The Nuremberg Judgment," editorial, The Economist (London), Oct. 5, 1946, p. 532.; See also: J. McMillan, Five Men at Nuremberg, pp. 67, 173-174, 380, 414 f.
32. Marguerite Higgins, "Russian Quotes Allied Sanction of Deportations," New York Herald Tribune, Nov. 14, 1946.
33. James Bacque, Other Losses (Toronto: Stoddart, 1989). See especially pp. 26-28.
34. Quoted in: Wolf R. Hess, My Father Rudolf Hess (London: 1986), pp. 392 f.
35. Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression ("red series"), NC&A, vol. 1, p. vi (preface).; William L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (New York: 1960), pp. ix, x.
36. Lucy Dawidowicz, A Holocaust Reader (New York: Behrman, 1976), pp. 2-3.; Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression ("red series"), NC&A, vol. 1, p. vi. See also: C. Mattogno, "Myth," Journal of Historical Review, Summer 1988, pp. 133-134.; John Mendelsohn, "The Holocaust: Records in the National Archives … " Prologue (Washington, DC: National Archives), Spring 1984, pp. 23 ff. Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1985), pp. 1224-27.
37. Alfred M. de Zayas, The Wehrmacht War Crimes Bureau (Lincoln: 1990), pp. 238 f.
38. Leon Poliakov, Harvest of Hate (New York: Holocaust Library, 1979), p. 108.; Princeton University History professor Arno Mayer wrote that "authentic documents about the making, transmission, and implementation of the extermination policy" are "rare." Arno J. Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken? (New York: 1989), p. 363.
39. W. Maser, Nuremberg: A Nation on Trial (1979), pp. 97, 98, 99, 272, 273-274, 331 (n. 50).; Plea by attorney Dr. Alfred Seidl in: Udo Walendy, ed., Auschwitz im IG-Farben Prozess (Vlotho: 1981), pp. 380, 383.; Hildegard Springer (Hans Fritzsche), Das Schwert auf der Waage (Heidelberg: K. Vowinckel, 1953), p. 112.; John Mendelsohn, "Trial by Document," Prologue (Washington, DC: National Archives), Winter 1975, esp. pp. 230-231.; Richard Pemsel, Hitler (Tübingen: 1986), pp. 87-89, 104.; IMT defense attorney Dr. H. Pelckmann protested against the "disappearance" of important defense documents: International Military Tribunal "blue series," vol. 21 (pp. 383-409 of German-language IMG edition). Quoted in: U. Walendy, ed., "Lügen um Heinrich Himmler," II. Teil, Historische Tatsachen Nr. 47 (Vlotho: 1991), p. 32.; On the protests of defense attorneys about some of these difficulties, see: Carlos Porter, Made in Russia: The Holocaust (1988), pp. 242-244, 248, 249, 252-256.
40. Karl Hoeffkes, ed., Deutsch-sowjetische Geheimverbindungen (1988), pp. 28-30.; R. Pemsel, Hitler (Tübingen: 1986), p. 104.
41. W. Maser, Nuremberg (1979), p. 199.
42. Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression ("red series"), NC&A, Vol. 1, p. 9.; Jay W. Baird, ed., From Nuremberg to My Lai (Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath, 1972), pp. 16-17.
43. Documents 159-L (USA-222) and PS-3311 (USA-293). Published in: IMT ("blue series"), vol. 37, p. 621, and, IMT, vol. 32, pp. 153-158.
44. IMT ("blue series"), vol. 1, p. 54.; IMT, vol. 7, pp. 425-427.; A. de Zayas, Wehrmacht War Crimes Bureau (1990), pp. 228-239.; J. McMillan, Five Men at Nuremberg, pp. 51, 67, 222.; R. Conot, Justice at Nuremberg, pp. 66-67, 452-455.; Document USSR-54 is published in IMT ("blue series"), vol. 39, pp. 290- 332.; See also: C. Porter, Made in Russia: The Holocaust (1988), pp. 100-120, 229, 230, 234-235.; R. Faurisson, "Katyn a Nuremberg," Revue d'Histoire Révisionniste, No. 2, Aug.-Oct. 1990, pp. 138 ff.
45. New York Times, April 13 and 14, 1990.
46. Dorothy Rabinowitz, About the Holocaust (New York: 1979), p. 6.; A. Suzman and D. Diamond, Six Million Did Die (Johannesburg: 1978), pp. 33, 34, 35.
47. Internationally respected historian Werner Maser has noted "the existence of forged documents" at Nuremberg. W. Maser, Nuremberg, p. 98.; See also: Ingrid Weckert, Feuerzeichen (Tübingen: 1981), pp. 151, 155, 171.; After the war, Eichmann also expressed the view that some purported documents are fraudulent. See: Rudolf Aschenauer, ed., Ich, Adolf Eichmann (1980), p. 153.
48. IMT ("blue series"), vol. 22, pp. 148 f.; See: C. Porter, Made in Russia (1988), pp. 269-270, 410-411.; Defendant Baldur von Schirach, wartime Gauleiter of Vienna, complained that another prosecution document was fraudulent: IMT ("blue series"), vol. 14, p. 451.; Defendant Göring and attorney Stahmer objected to another document: IMT, vol. 9, pp. 610 f.
49. M. Weber, "Simon Wiesenthal," Journal of Historical Review, Winter 1989-1990, p. 443.
50. Cited or quoted in: IMT ("blue series"), vol. 7, pp. 442-443; vol. 14, pp. 518-519; vol. 19, pp. 256-259, 437- 438, 494-495, 498; vol. 24, p. 182.
51. W. Malanowski, Der Spiegel, Sept. 7, 1985, pp. 92 ff.; M. Weber, "Swiss Historian Exposes … ," Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1983 (Vol. 4, No. 3), pp. 378-380.; H. W. Koch, ed., Aspects of the Third Reich (New York: St. Martin's, 1985), pp. 13 f.; "Antideutscher Schwindel-Verleger gestorben," D. National- Zeitung (Munich), Jan. 24, 1992, p. 9.
52. Dankwart Kluge, Das Hossbach - 'Protokoll' (1980).; M. Weber, Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1983 (Vol. 4, No. 3), pp. 372 ff.; A.J.P. Taylor, An Old Man's Diary (London: 1984), p. 154. (Taylor added: "No evidence that Hitler planned aggressive war has ever been produced … [This] revision upsets the entire verdict of the Nuremberg Tribunal, which is still solemnly quoted as justification of the Allied war against Germany.").
53. Heath W. Lowry, "The U.S. Congress and Adolf Hitler on the Armenians," Political Communication and Persuasion, Vol. 3, No. 2, 1985. Reprinted in: Armenian Allegations: Myth and Reality (Washington, DC: 1986), pp. 119-132.; See also the letters by Dr. Robert John in the New York Times, June 8 and July 6, 1985.
54. L. Dawidowicz, A Holocaust Reader (1976), p. 10.; In her 1981 book, The Holocaust and the Historians (pp. 100-101), Dawidowicz wrote of the case of Polish-Jewish historian Ber(nard) Mark, Director of the Jewish Historical Institute of Warsaw and author of several Holocaust books. She charged that he had falsified Holocaust sources. Another Jewish historian, Michel Borwicz, similarly charged in 1962 that Ber Mark was a falsifier ("transformer") of documents. See: M. Borwicz, Revue d'Histoire de la Deuxieme Guerre Mondiale (Paris), No. 45, Jan. 1962, p. 93.
55. Raul Hilberg has noted that Martin Gilbert's 1985 book, The Holocaust, relies heavily on such questionable testimony. See interview with Hilberg in: "Recording the Holocaust," Jerusalem Post International Edition, week ending June 28, 1986, pp. 8, 9.; On the general unreliability of "witness testimony," see Witness for the Defense (by E. Loftus & K. Ketcham), reviewed by John Cobden in The Journal of Historical Review, Summer 1991 (Vol. 11, No. 2), pp. 238-249.
56. Gerald Reitlinger, The Final Solution (London: Sphere books, pb., 1971), p. 581.
57. Jean-Claude Pressac, Auschwitz : Technique and Operation of the Gas Chambers (1989), p. 23.
58. H. Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem (New York: Compass/Viking, 1965), p. 224.
59. L. Dawidowicz, A Holocaust Reader (1976), p. 11.; Jewish Holocaust historian Gitta Sereny has complained about those who have simply "invented Holocaust events." See: G. Sereny, New Statesman (London), July 17, 1981, p. 17.
60. G. Tillion, "Le Systeme concentrationnaire allemand," Revue de l'histoire de la Deuxieme Guerre mondiale, July 1954. (Quoted in: IHR Newsletter, No. 59, July 1988, pp. 5, 6.)
61. Jewish Social Studies (New York: Conference on Jewish Relations), Jan. 1950, Vol. 12, pp. 65-66.
62. B. Amouyal, "Doubts over evidence of camp survivors," Jerusalem Post (Israel), August 17, 1986, p. 1.; Similarly, many American imposters have falsely but convincingly claimed heroic participation in pitched battles or involvement in horrific atrocities during the Vietnam war. See: "Fighting Lies for Vietnam: Phony Soldiers," The Washington Times, June 4, 1990, pp. D1, D5.; "Imitation Vietnam Syndrome," Baltimore Sun, March 20, 1988, pp. 1E, 5E.
63. R. Conot, Justice at Nuremberg, p. 454.; A. de Zayas, Wehrmacht War Crimes Bureau (1990), pp. 230-235.
64. Sworn and notarized statement by Pinter, Feb. 9, 1960. Facsimile in: Erich Kern, ed., Verheimlichte Dokumente (Munich: 1988), p. 429.; Note also Pinter report in Der Weg, No. 8, 1954, reprinted in: U. Walendy, ed., "Politkriminologie," Historische Tatsachen Nr. 43 (Vlotho: 1990), pp. 20 ff.
65. Freda Utley, The High Cost of Vengeance (Chicago: Regnery, 1949), p. 195.
66. Written declaration of A. Gross, in: Erich Kern, Meineid gegen Deutschland (1971), p. 264.
67. J. Halow, "Innocent at Dachau," The Journal of Historical Review, Winter 1989-1990, pp. 459-483. ; Halow deals with this entire issue in greater detail in his book, Innocent at Dachau, to be published by the IHR. In 1948 German bishop Dr. Johannes Neuhäusler, who been interned for several years in the Sachsenhausen and Dachau camps during the war, condemned the use of such "professional witnesses" in American run trials, and cited a particularly blatant example. Münchner Katholische Kirchenzeitung, Nov. 7, 1948. Quoted in: D. National-Zeitung (Munich), Dec. 13, 1985, p. 6.
68. "Major Poullada's Final Defense Plea in the Nordhausen-Dora Concentration Camp Case," Journal of Historical Review, Spring 1991 (Vol. 11, No. 1), pp. 81-119.
69. Letter by former OSI director Walter J. Rockler, National Law Journal, Dec. 8, 1980, p. 14.; See also: B. Amouyal, "Treblinka witnesses were discredited," Jerusalem Post - International Edition, Week ending April 5, 1986.
70. "Nazi Hunter Looks for Witnesses, Finds Hucksters," Jewish Press (Brooklyn, NY), Dec. 4, 1981, p. 2.
71. "The Nazi Who Never Was," The Washington Post, May 10, 1981, pp. B5, B8.; Michael Arndt, "The Wrong Man," Sunday, The Chicago Tribune Magazine, Dec. 2, 1984, pp. 15- 35.; Kirk Makin, "Media distorted … ," The Globe and Mail (Toronto), Feb. 15, 1985, pp. M1, M3.
72. Emil Lachout, an Austrian officer who served with the postwar Allied War Crimes Commission, testified under oath in a 1988 court case that German officials had been tortured to produce fraudulent statements about alleged killings of Jews in German camp gas chambers. He also provided what he said was a copy of a 1948 document confirming this. See: Robert Lenski, Holocaust on Trial (1990), pp. 274, 278.; Müller circular notice, Oct. 1, 1948, published in: Journal of Historical Review, Spring 1988, pp. 117-124.
73. Rupert Butler, Legions of Death (England: 1983), pp. 235-239.; R. Faurisson, "How the British Obtained the Confessions of Rudolf Höss," Journal of Historical Review, Winter 1986-1987, pp. 389-403.
74. Höss statement, April 5, 1946. Document 3868-PS (USA-819).; Höss statement, May 20, 2946. Document NI-034.; Höss testimony at the Nuremberg Tribunal, published in: IMT ("blue series"), vol. vol. 33, pp. 275- 279 ; NC&A ("red series"), vol. 6, pp. 787-790.
75. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago I-II (New York: Harper & Row, 1974), p. 112 (n. 15).
76. IMT ("blue series"), vol. 15, pp. 64-68.
77. IMT ("blue series"), vol. 17, p. 214.; K. Heiden, "Why They Confess," Life magazine, June 20, 1949, pp. 92 ff. (During the trial Fritzsche recanted his forced statement.)
78. W. Maser, Nuremberg: A Nation on Trial (1979), pp. 51-52, 47, 60.; K. Stimely, "The Torture of Julius Streicher," Journal of Historical Review, Spring 1984, pp. 106-119.; "Streicher Case Opens," The Times (London), April 27, 1946, p. 3.; Rupert Butler, Legions of Death (England: 1983), pp. 238-239.; Montgomery Belgion, Victor's Justice (Regnery, 1949), p. 90.
79. Montgomery Belgion, Victor's Justice (1949), pp. 80-81. Cited in: A. Butz, Hoax of the Twentieth Century, p. 189.
80. Nuremberg "Case 8" presiding judge Wyatt took note of the charges of torture. "During the course of the trial," the American jurist declared, "several witnesses, including some defendants, who made affidavits that were offered as evidence by the prosecution, testified that they were threatened, and that duress of a very improper nature was practiced by an interrogator." Nuremberg Military Tribunals, Trials of the War Criminals … ("green series,"/ Washington, DC: 1949-1953), NMT, vol. 15, p. 879.
81. Letter by Lutz Schwerin von Krosigk written in Essen, April 15, 1975, shortly before his death. Published in: Die Bauernschaft (Mohrkirch), April 1981, pp. 34-35.; Freda Utley, The High Cost of Vengeance (Chicago: Regnery, 1949), p. 172.; T. Bower, Blind Eye to Murder (1983), p. 314.; "US Ankläger Kempner schwer belastet," Deutsche Wochen-Zeitung, Feb. 23, 1973. Cited in: Austin App, No Time for Silence (IHR, 1987), p. 17.
82. John Toland, Adolf Hitler (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1976), p. 774.; Karlheinz Pintsch, an adjutant of Hitler's deputy Rudolf Hess, was tortured for months by the Soviet secret police in Moscow in an effort to force him to sign a statement designed to incriminate Hess. In spite of his cruel treatment, Pintsch never gave in. Wolf R. Hess, My Father Rudolf Hess (London: 1986), p. 62.
83. Milch sworn statement, April 9, 1947. Quoted in: E. Kern, ed., Verheimlichte Dokumente (1988), p. 400.
84. R. Wistrich, Who's Who in Nazi Germany (New York: Bonanza, 1984), p. 210.
85. On Dachau trial abuses see: Freda Utley, The High Cost of Vengeance (Chicago: Regnery, 1949), pp. 185- 200.; Judge Edward L. van Roden, "American Atrocities in Germany," The Progressive, Feb. 1949, pp. 21- 22. Reprinted in: The Congressional Record - Appendix, Vol. 95, Sec. 12, (March 10, 1949), pp. A1365-66.; Dachau trial defense attorney Lt. Col. Willis M. Everett, Jr., reviewed prosecution methods in a petition submitted to the Supreme Court. Complete text in: The Congressional Record - Senate, Vol. 95, Sec. 2, (March 10, 1949), pp. 2159-2165. Important excerpts were published in: The Congressional Record - Appendix, Vol. 95, Sec. 13, (April 5, 1949), pp. A-2065-67. Also useful are: Montgomery Belgion, Victor's Justice (Regnery, 1949).; Reginald T. Paget, Manstein: His Campaigns and His Trial (London: 1951).
86. J. Halow, "Innocent at Dachau," Journal of Historical Review, Winter 1989-90, p. 459.; See also: T. Bower, Blind Eye to Murder, pp. 304, 310, 313.
87. J. Halow, "Innocent at Dachau," Journal of Historical Review, Winter 1989-90 (Vol. 9, No. 4), pp. 452-483. Note especially pp. 478-482 (G. Petrat statement of Sept. 10, 1948).
88. "Korean War," Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1973 edition, Vol. 13, p. 474.; Phillip Knightley, The First Casualty (1975), p. 355.
89. Legal brief for Oswald Pohl ("Grundzüge des Systems der Deutschen Konzentrationslager und Bemerkungen zum Urteil des Militärtribunals II gegen Oswald Pohl"), pp. 23-27. Compiled (in 1948?) by defense attorney Dr. Alfred Seidl. Copy provided to the author in 1990 by the defendant's grandson, Fritjof Pohl.; W. Maser, Nuremberg (1979), p. 100.; See also Oswald Pohl's written statement of June 1, 1948, cited below.
90. Written statement by Pohl, June 1, 1948. Deutsche Hochschullehrerzeitung (Tübingen), Nr. 1/2, 1963, pp. 21-26. Reprinted in: U. Walendy, ed., "Lügen um Heinrich Himmler, II. Teil," Historische Tatsachen Nr. 47 (Vloth: 1991), pp. 35-40.; Although I have not been able to obtain a copy of the original text of Pohl's 1948 statement, its essential accuracy can be confirmed by comparing it with the text of the legal brief (cited above) compiled by his attorney, Dr. Siedl. Fritjof Pohl (Oswald Pohl's grandson) and Wigbert Grabert (son of the editor-publisher of the Deutsche Hochschullehrerzeitung) have also confirmed the authenticity of Pohl's 1948 statement.
91. W. Maser, Nuremberg (New York: 1979), p. 100.
92. W. Maser, Nuremberg, p. 175.
93. Nuremberg Military Tribunal, NMT ("green series"), Vol. 5, p. 934.
94. R. Hilberg, Destruction of the European Jews (1985), p. 1067.; R. Faurisson, "Response," Journal of Historical Review, Spring 1986, p. 40.; J. Heydecker and J. Leeb, Der Nürnberger Prozess (Cologne: 1958), pp. 489 ff. Cited in: W. Stäglich, Der Auschwitz-Mythos (1979), p. 104.; See also: R. Conot, Justice at Nuremberg, p. 514. According to a recent editorial in the San Francisco Examiner ("Holocaust disbelievers," March 30, 1992), "Not a single war criminal tried at Nuremberg offered as a defense, 'It didn't happen', they said they were "only following orders."
95. IMT ("blue series"), vol. 9, pp. 611, 612, 619.; Wm. L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (New York: 1960), p. 964, footnote.; During a conversation in early 1946 with his defense attorney, Göring said: "I really knew nothing about the mass murder of Jews." Quoted by a young lawyer who was an assistant to Göring's defense attorney, Dr. Stahmer, in: Gespräche mit Hermann Göring während des Nürnberger Prozesses, Teil I (W. Germany: 1950 and reprint. no date, no place), p. 15. (Conversation on Jan. 12, 1946).; See also: David Irving, Göring (New York: 1989), p. 469.
96. Hans Fritzsche (H. Springer), The Sword in the Scales (London: A. Wingate, 1953), pp. 144-145. German edition: Das Schwert auf der Waage (Heidelberg: K. Vowinckel, 1953), p. 118.
97. IMT ("blue series"), vol. 15, pp. 332-333. Also quoted in: J. McMillan, Five Men at Nuremberg, pp. 239- 240.; See also the similar testimonies of: Radio commentator and propaganda ministry official Hans Fritzsche: A. de Zayas, Wehrmacht War Crimes Bureau (1990), p. 111.; Economics minister Walter Funk: IMT ("blue series"), vol. 22, pp. 387 f.; Minister for the occupied Soviet territories Alfred Rosenberg: IMT, vol. 22, p. 382.; Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop: R. Conot, Justice at Nuremberg, p. 54.; Foreign Office State Secretary Ernst von Weizsäcker: NMT, vol. 13, pp. 437, 443, 445.; Note also statements by officials Stuckart, Klopfer, Leibbrandt, and Kritzinger, in: Robert Kempner, Eichmann und Komplizen (Zurich: 1961), pp. 151-160.; Documents PL-54 and PL-64 in: IMT ("blue series"), vol. 42, pp. 348, 385.
98. IMT ("blue series"), vol. 12, pp. 17-19.; See also the testimony of Joseph Bühler, who worked closely with Frank for many years: IMT, vol. 12, pp. 64, 69, 70.; Note also: R. Faurisson, "Challenge," Journal of Historical Review, Winter 1984, pp. 298 f.
99. IMT ("blue series"), vol. 12, p. 13. German text quoted in: Richard Pemsel, Hitler (Tübingen: 1986), p. 317.
100. Final sentence quoted by British prosecutor Shawcross at Nuremberg: IMT ("blue series"), vol. 19, p. 433, and in: W. Shirer, Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (1960), p. vii.; Entire passage quoted in: R. Hilberg, Destruction of the European Jews (1985), p. 1055.; R. Conot, Justice at Nuremberg, p. 380.
101. IMT ("blue series"), vol. 22, p. 385. German text quoted in: R. Pemsel, Hitler (1986), p. 129.; Postwar criminal mistreatment of the Germans by the Allies is dealt with in Gruesome Harvest by Ralph F. Keeling, and in Nemesis at Potsdam by Alfred de Zayas.
102. Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression ("red series"), Suppl. vol. B, pp. 1306-1307, 1299. See also: IMT, vol. 22, pp. 378-379.; Hans Fritzsche (H. Springer), The Sword in the Scales (London: Wingate, 1953), pp. 182-187.
103. Matthias Schmidt, Albert Speer: The End of a Myth (New York: 1985), pp. 194-195. See also: M. Weber, "Albert Speer and the Holocaust," Journal of Historical Review, Winter 1984, p. 439.; M. Weber, "Legal Declaration," Journal of Historical Review, Spring 1982, pp. 42-43.; A. Butz, Hoax of the Twentieth Century, pp. 179-180.; Henry A. Turner, Jr., "The Nazi Who Made a Comeback," The New York Times Book Review, March 3, 1985, pp. 9-10.
104. NMT ("green series"), vol. 13, pp. 421, 430.; See also Lammers' testimony in IMT ("blue series"), vol. 11, pp. 53, 115-116.; Lammers' career and the history of the Reich Chancellery during the Third Reich is dealt with in: Georg Franz-Willing, Der Reichskanzlei: 1933-1945 (Tübingen: 1984).
105. On the Moscow show trials, see: Robert Conquest, The Great Terror (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1990), pp. 83-132, 468.; Joseph E. Davies, Mission To Moscow (New York: Pocket Books, 1943), pp. 38- 39.; Edward Crankshaw, ed., Khrushchev Remembers (Boston: 1970), pp. 352-353.
106. H. Fritzsche, Es sprach Hans Fritzsche, p. 144. Quoted in: R. Pemsel, Hitler (1986), p. 167.
107. See Wilhelm Stäglich's useful analysis of the trial, Auschwitz: A Judge Looks at the Evidence (IHR, 1990), especially chapter four. (German-language edition: Der Auschwitz-Mythos, 1979).; See also: Konnilyn Feig, Hitler's Death Camps (New York: 1981), p. 365.
108. Bernd Naumann, Auschwitz (New York: Praeger, 1966), pp. 8-26, 416-417. Quoted in: A. Butz, Hoax of the Twentieth Century, pp. 187-188.
109. "Belastende Aussage angeblich unter Alkohol," Frankfurter Rundschau, July 7, 1964, p. 7.; "Der Auschwitz-Prozess," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, July 7, 1964, p. 6.; "Lied About Auschwitz," Miami Herald (UPI dispatch), July 7, 1964, p. 15-A or 4-D, depending on edition.
110. Cited by A. Butz in: "Perspective in the 'Holocaust' Controversy," Journal of Historical Review, Winter 1982, p. 374, and in the 1983 US edition of Hoax of the Twentieth Century, p. 338.; K. Feig reports in Hitler's Death Camps (1981), p. 365, that all of the defendants were set free on appeal.

Source: Reprinted from The Journal of Historical Review, vol. 12, no. 2, pp. 167-213.
The Nuremberg Trials and the Holocaust - 2 - 3 - 4

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