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Salomon Morel and the Camp at Świętochłowice-Zgoda |
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Salomon Morel and the camp at Świętochłowice-ZgodaSalomon[1] Morel was born on 15 November 1919 in Garbów (powiat of Puławy). Until 1934 he lived in his home village, where his father owned a bakery. Later, until 1939, he worked in a clothing firm in Łódż. When war broke out he returned to Garbów. Morel began his adventures with communism in November 1942, when he and his brother joined the partisans. In a resume written in 1947, he recalls that upon orders from the Polish Workers Party [PPR] cell, his unit destroyed dairies and burned local government offices[2]. In the partisan units of the People’s Army, Morel fought under the command of Capt. Chil, who said that Morel took part in all his unit’s ”operations and engagements” and “performed his tasks very well”[3]. Because they were in the forest at the time, Salomon and his brother Icek escaped the fate of other members of their family – in December 1942, the navy-blue police arrested and then shot their mother, father and brother. For a while, Morel and his brother hid at the house of a neighbour - Józef Tkaczyk[4].Following the occupation of the Lublin region by the Red Army in the summer of 1944, Morel and a group of Jewish partisans lived at Ogrodowa St. in Lublin. Soon (probably as of 1 August), all of them found work in the militia or Office of Public Security [UB]. Morel was hired as a guard in the infamous prison inside Lublin Castle, where members of the Home Army [AK] were tortured, among others. He was formally appointed a guard only on 9 November 1944. Chances of a rapid career for him seemed hopeless when a report, dated 30 November 1944, was produced by Lieutenant-Colonel Antoni Stolarz, commandant of the investigative prison in Lublin. In this report, Stolarz suggested the dismissal - as a “harmful element in the prison administration”- of six guards, including Morel, “because they do not perform their duties conscientiously, do not attempt to comply with prison regulations and behave arrogantly, whereby they sow rumours about me, as a result of which they make my work difficult and undermine my authority”. A decision was quickly reached by the Department of Prisons and Camps. Contrary to what one might expect, the insubordinate guards were not dismissed. Instead, they strengthened the ranks of guards in other prisons - SergeantSalomon Morel was referred to the prison in Tarnobrzeg. On 18 December 1944, Walenty Warchoł, commandant of the Tarnobrzeg Prison, wrote that Morel had reported for duty in that prison[5]. Less than 2 months later, on 15 February 1945, Morel and an operational group from the Ministry of Public Security [MBP] left for Upper Silesia. There, he was almost immediately placed in charge of the camp at Świętochłowice. Morel assumed such an important position despite the negative opinion about him as a “harmful element in the prison administration” (he was then 26 years old), though he himself claimed that he was not prepared for this work – having received no training ”either in schools or on courses”[6].“Eintrachthütte”Located in the industrial part of Upper Silesia, Świętochłowice belonged to Poland before the war. The Zgoda [“Harmony”] plant in the town was engaged in the manufacture of machinery for the mining and steel industries. When the German armed forces entered Świętochłowice, the plant was adapted to the manufacture of anti-aircraft cannon, and in this way the Zgoda plant (Eintrachthütte) became a munitions factory. To ensure adequate manpower, forced labour was introduced to the plant in 1942, and 180 Jews were assigned to the plant. This did not fully satisfy needs, therefore in May 1943 it was decided to employ inmates of the Auschwitz concentration camp in the Eintrachthütte. The average rate of mortality in the camp was several dozen prisoners per week. The evacuation of the prisoners took place in two stages: in December 1944 and on 23 January 1945. There were still over 1,200 prisoners in the camp prior to the final evacuation[7].The beginnings of the Zgoda campAfter the prisoners had been evacuated, the sub-camp belonging to the Auschwitz concentration camp was empty only for a few weeks. Its well-preserved infrastructure (fencing, watch towers, barracks for prisoners, accommodation for personnel) and its convenient location were quickly exploited by the communist authorities. Because of its localisation in a densely populated industrial zone only a dozen or so kilometres from the centre of Katowice, it was easy to transport prisoners to the camp. Prisoners from Katowice and surrounding area were marched to the camp on foot. Some were taken there by streetcar, and those from outlying parts of Silesia, such as Bielsko or Nysa, were taken by train. The prisoners held in the camp could be used as labour in the numerous industrial plants in the area. The fact that Świętochłowice was the seat of the UB administration for the powiat of Katowice was certainly not without significance. This was located near the Market Hall, to which several hundred detainees were sent at the end of February 1945 before being accommodated in the Zgoda camp. Already in the Market Hall, the prisoners were tortured by the UB officials. Before the prisoners were relocated to the camp, the place was tidied up and disinfected. Some detainees awaited the completion of this work in the neighbouring sub-camp close to the Polska mine[8].At the beginning of its period of operations, the camp was probably governed by two men: Aleksy Krut and Salomon Morel. Aleksy Krut, a 20 year-old UB officer who came to Upper Silesia with the operational group in February 1945, wrote in his resume in 1947 that he was commandant of the Labour Camp at Świętochłowice between March and May 1945[9]. Salomon Morel, who became commandant of this Labour Camp on 15 March 1945, also claims that originally, he was meant to govern the camp together with Aleksy Krut. But it is certain that Salomon Morel was sole commandant as of the middle of June 1945[10].The camp inmatesThe basis for placing persons inside the camp was provided by several legal instruments, but according to the records of the Special Prosecutor’s Office of the Criminal Court in Katowice, the firm majority of the internees at the Świętochłowice camp were placed there under the terms of the decree of the Polish National Liberation Committee [PKWN] of 4 November 1944 “on security measures vis-a-vis traitors to the Nation”[11]. Formally speaking, the terms of this decree did not apply to the territory of Upper Silesia because they concerned Volksdeutsche from the General Government. Although the decree did contain a clause whereby its applicability could be extended “to other areas of the Polish State”, this was never done. The extension of this decree to Upper Silesia meant that the inhabitants of this area contained in the Volksliste were treated in the same way as Volksdeutsche from the General Government. The remaining prisoners were interned in the camp on the basis of the “August” decree of 31 August 1944 on “Fascist-Nazi criminals and traitors to the Polish Nation” and the law of 6 May 1945 on the exclusion of hostile elements from Polish society. According to this law, persons included in Group II of the Volksliste were treated as Germans and traitors and had to apply for rehabilitation. Until their civil rights were restored, their property was to be recorded and confiscated and they themselves were to be placed in detention centres (camps). The August decree applied mainly to war criminals, collaborators and members of the Nazi movement.Many Upper Silesians with German citizenship who lived inside the Third Reich before the war were also sent to the labour camps. As early as 9 February 1945, the voivode of Silesia decreed that all Germans and Volksdeutsche from groups I and II had to register for work[12]. The security authorities detained Germans under various pretexts and referred them to compulsory work.However, questions regarding the Volksliste and the internment of German nationals do not explain everything, for people were sent to the camp on the basis of rather vague criteria, and one of the reasons for doing so was certainly material gain, in other words a desire to seize an internee’s property. Many people were imprisoned in the camp only because they had no identity documents with them[13]. However, an effort was made to convince the inhabitants of Silesia that only Germans and hated Nazi activists were being placed in the camp. When, in early March 1945, persons detained in Katowice were formed into columns and marched to Świętochłowice, each column was headed by someone bearing a Nazi flag[14].When one examines the lists of prisoners who died at the Świętochłowice camp, one might conclude that most of them were in Group II of the Volksliste (chiefly inhabitants of Katowice, Bielsko, Chorzów and Świętochłowice). A smaller group comprised citizens of the Third Reich (Reichsdeutsche) – mainly from Bytom and Gliwice. Among those who died in the camp were at least 139 people from Group III of the Volksliste, which means that many more such people were interned there. Thirty nine people who died in the camp were not on the Volskliste at all. The firm majority of the internees were inhabitants of Upper Silesia and the Opole area, but there were also inhabitants of, for example, Lwów, Drohobycz, Tomaszów, Poznań and Nowy Sącz; a small number of people from the Dąbrowa Basin (10 of them died in the camp), Germans from deep inside the Reich, and at least 38 citizens of other countries (19 Austrian citizens, one Belgian, seven Romanians, seven Czechs, two Yugoslavs and two Frenchmen). This has been determined on the basis of lists of persons of various nationalities interned in the camps and prisons[15]. However, the lists are incomplete. They do not include, among others, Wanda Lagler – a U.S. citizen; Franciszek Godes, a Lithuanian; and a Swiss woman mentioned by Dorota Boreczek in her testimony[16]. They also do not include the best known foreigner inside the Świętochłowice camp – the Dutchman Eric van Calsteren. During his interrogation at the militia headquarters in Gliwice, van Calsteren tried to explain that he was born in the Hague and was a Dutch citizen. In reply, he heard: “You have blue eyes and fair hair, you are one hundred percent German, because the Dutch all have dark hair and speak French”. Shortly afterwards, he was transferred to the Zgoda camp in Świętochłowice[17]. Therefore, the internees in Zgoda consisted of a total of 13 nationalities (including Ukrainians, recorded in other prisoner lists). The Austrian citizens inside the Świętochłowice labour camp were mainly prisoners of war, but they also included an Austrian women who had come to visit her husband working in Poland. Several other foreigners (a resident of Vienna, a Czech and a Yugoslav) ended up in the camp because they had no identity documents. Some foreigners were apprehended by the Soviet forces and handed over to the Polish investigative authorities or sent directly to Zgoda.Other preserved documents of the Ministry of Public Security contain lists of internees divided into the following categories: Poles, Jews, Ukrainians, Germans, Volksdeutsche, German collaborators, and others. The Poles included primarily members of independence organisations: the Home Army and the National Armed Forces. According to the statistics, there were only a few such people in the Świętochłowice camp. Several Ukrainians were imprisoned there, and many Germans (the most numerous group in August 1945, when there were 1,733 of them in the camp, 1/3 of the total number of prisoners). All Upper Silesians living on the territory of the Reich were also included among the Germans. During the camp’s early days, prisoners of war were also accommodated there (there were 25 of them in April), as well as persons held under Soviet authority[18]. The firm majority of the inmates of Zgoda were above the age of 40. Several hundred were above the age of 60[19]. There were also children; the official statistics indicate that several children aged up to 13 were held in Zgoda[20]. The children were brought to the camp with their mothers, who did not want to leave them without care. The camp authorities agreed to the presence of children in the camp, though they must have realised the conditions under which the children were going to live and the dangers in store for them. For instance, the son of a woman from Świętochłowice died in the camp. He was probably born in the camp and on the date of his death – 9 September 1945 - was 4 weeks old[21]. In June 1945 there were as many as 716 women in the camp, almost 17% of all the detainees. In July, a group of women was transferred to Libiąż – a branch of the Jaworzno Central Labour Camp. In September, the number of women in the camp fell to over 300[22]. The women lived in a separate barrack and were also put to work beyond the camp premises.The camp authorities estimated that the camp can accommodate 1,400-1,500 people. Already at the end of March 1945 there were 1,062 in the Świętochłowice camp. It quickly became full. Morel said that initially, as much as 300-500 new prisoners were accepted per day[23]. In May, the camp statistics revealed that there were already over 2,000 prisoners. The camp was overcrowded almost from the very beginning. Morel himself admitted that in July 1945 there were 1,000-1,200 prisoners more than the number which the camp had been planned to accommodate[24]. As shown in the following table, the number of prisoners was highest in the summer months of 1945. Later, the number of prisoners fell considerably as a result of typhus.Table 1. Number of prisoners at the Labour Camp in Świętochłowice
Source: AAN, MBP, call no. 13/1, pp. 3, 22, 178, 261, 360; call no. 13/3, p. 30; see also: „Obóz Pracy w Świętochłowicach w 1945 roku..., Raporty statystyczne o zaludnieniu obozu”[the Labour Camp at Świętochłowice in 1945....Statistical reports on the camp population], pp. 37-39, 41-44, 46-47, 51-52.Although the Świętochłowice camp bore the official title of a labour camp, it also fulfilled the function of a penal camp. The prisoners of barrack 7 worked neither inside nor outside the camp, therefore for them it was a penal camp, though of course none of them had been sentenced by a court verdict. Many people from the Świętochłowice camp were sent to work in neighbouring coalmines and steelworks where there were camps. Prisoners also worked at the Zgoda steelworks opposite the camp, where they dismantled machines and loaded them onto carriages[25]. Some of the female inmates were employed as cleaners in the Polska mine[26]. There were cases where inmates were taken away for work under the supervision of the Soviet forces near Nowy Bytom or for loading carriages at Katowice-Ligota station[27]. In the camp there were several workshops (including carpentry, sewing, tailoring and metalworking), where inmates were also employed[28]. Prisoners were marched in columns to work in the industrial plants near the camp, and after work they retuned to the camp. Those employed in very distant steelworks and coal mines were accommodated at the sub-camps there. The living conditions at the camps attached to the mines were somewhat better than in Zgoda. It should be added that at least several prisoners (four at the moment of the camp's liquidation) were "farmed out" to work at the Voivodship Civil Militia Headquarters in Katowice[29]. The prisoners received no wages for their work. At the moment of the camp’s liquidation, the Employment Section had accumulated over 118,000 zlotys[30].
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How control of the world's money has inexorably led to an ever tighter
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How control of the world's people has inexorably led to wider use of
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