The National Australia Bank has an ambivalent approach to publicity. On the one hand, the NAB devotes considerable resources and energy to playing the generous sponsor and socially aware corporate citizen. On the other hand, the NAB devotes considerable resources and energy to eradicating any adverse reporting and commentary in the media regarding its practices. The NAB story provides a case study in media bias in reporting how our economic system actually works. Senator Fierravanti-Wells take note.
The
NAB had been subject to intermittent bad press because of its serial
incompetence and, most recently, devious practices on its currency
trading desk. The NAB revved up its public relations machine to fever
pitch when Melbourne was given the Commonwealth Games. Thus the NAB
announced sponsorship in September 2004, getting blanket advertising
coverage leading up to and through the event. Soon after the
sponsorship announcement, NAB opened its docklands complex, buying
free publicity with Premier Steve Bracks.
With
the NAB and Bracks in each other’s pockets, it’s not surprising that
the Premier’s Office found no cause to deal with
an NAB victim who the Victorian Government had induced to migrate
to Australia.In April 2005, the NAB became the principal sponsor of the National Press Club. Here is the NAB’s version of the event:
National Australia Bank Chief Executive, John Stewart, said the role
of Principal Sponsor enabled the National to demonstrate in a concrete
way its support for the development of active, informed community
discussion as the basis for policy-making. Mr Stewart said the Bank
would work with the National Press Club to expand such activity
wherever suitable opportunities arose. "Good journalism is an
essential element of good governance in both the political and
corporate arenas," he said.
Here is the
National Press Club’s view of its own importance:
For people who shape Australian society, the National
Press Club is Australia’s most recognised vehicle, an icon chosen for
major statements and for initiating change. Whether the issue of the
day is political, economic, corporate, diplomatic, military or
societal, the National Press Club plays a significant role in
Australian Society. Companies that share this stage and image have
distinct advantages over their competitors.
The National Press Club is an icon institution that reaches the
influencers and decision makers of Australia; be they Federal or State
Parliamentarians, political advisors, Government Heads of Departments,
diplomatic community, academia, legal and other professions,
journalists including the Federal Parliamentary Press Gallery or just
thinking Australians many of whom are leaders in their own
communities.
Which dovetails very nicely with the NAB’s transparent need to move
amongst the movers and shakers. Which had an immediate payoff when the
federal Treasurer delivered his
budget speech in May:
Ladies and gentlemen welcome to the Great Hall of Parliament House in
Canberra, and today as many of you have already heard, we welcome you
to the first National Australia Bank address. The National Australia
Bank has become the Club’s principal sponsor taking over that role
from Telstra who have had a long and productive period as our
principal supporter for 12 years, and they will remain a major
supporter in a different role which you will hear more about later in
the year. But there could hardly be a better way to start a new
relationship like this than welcoming back the Treasurer the day after
the Budget, his tenth, please welcome Peter Costello.
One is surprised that the NAB is not made Principal Sponsor of the
Victorian and federal governments per se. Why mess around with halfway
steps?
Then there’s the multiple feel-good community sponsorships. The NAB
supports fundraising for the Ovarian Cancer Research Foundation; it
supports the Puma Lap challenge (a treadmill competition) that raises
funds for Elizabeth Murdoch’s Children’s Research Institute. It funds
an indigenous scholarship at Melbourne Business School. It has an
elaborate staff volunteering program. Etc. The NAB’s monthly staff
magazine, the star, is chock a block with claims of NAB’s
community sensitivity.
That the community sponsorships are worthy is undoubted. But there is
a smell about the PR activities with governments. To remind ourselves
of what the NAB claims to be doing at the National Press Club:
… support for the development of active, informed community discussion as the basis for policy-making. ... "Good journalism is an essential element of good governance in both the political and corporate arenas," [CEO Stewart] saidActive, informed community discussion, and good journalism as the essential elements of good governance.
Yet in June, two months after
the NAB had moved into the Press Club, Israeli academic Uri Davis,
author of Apartheid Israel, had his Press Club appearance
cancelled. Where was the NAB (‘active, informed community
discussion’)? At home in its counting house. Fell over at the first
hurdle.
NAB sponsorships everywhere in the news. Not so NAB’s treatment of the
business clients that it chooses to dispose of.
In April 2002, News Weekly published an article by me on the
case of a Queensland grazier, Lyn Freeman, who had been nastily
foreclosed (and his property sold under value) by the NAB. Freeman’s
case also highlighted how the NAB had been rorting a State primary
industry reconstruction subsidy scheme.
In early 2003 I wrote a comparable piece on a shabby foreclosure by
the NAB (assisted duplicitously by Deloitte) of a New South Wales
hardware business couple. The News Weekly editor said no, not
possible; legal advice, etc., etc. The NAB had muzzled News Weekly,
champion of the small business underdog.
In April 2004 I wrote an extended dossier on eight cases of
victimisation by the NAB, all but one small business clients,
extending over the last twenty years. I sent a copy to the recently
appointed new CEO, Mr. John Stewart. No reply. New man at the helm not
responsible for past sins? Clean Slate? Nope.
On 4 June, an Australian Financial Review journalist, Stewart
Oldfield, unexpectedly took up the story of one of the people on my
list. The subs headed it ‘A step too far crucifies small business’.
After that article he went to ground on this material and its
implications.
On 18 September, even more unexpectedly, A Brisbane Courier-Mail
journalist, John McCarthy, wrote an extended Saturday spread on NAB
bank victims, drawing from sources including my dossier. The subs
headed it 'Crying all the way from the bank'. Nine days later,
McCarthy followed up with a second shorter article. It was a strange
juxtaposition of acknowledgement that about 50 people had contacted
him to complain about bank malpractice (no account of their stories)
with the last half devoted to reporting of NAB denial. Reported
McCarthy:
The bank at the centre of the initial report, National Australia Bank, denied any wrongdoing or arrogance, and said it had acted appropriately in all cases.
Well that’s all right then.
But the evidence says otherwise. Since then McCarthy has gone to
ground. Oldfield and McCarthy returned to their staple fare of
reporting share prices, market shares, acquisitions and disposals,
industry gossip, etc., etc. All white noise.
Admittedly there’s a problem for journalists on the business/finance
desks – if you want to get in the door, you have to do it on their
terms. This dependence doesn’t stop some journalists (John Durie, Alan
Kohler) from taking a more detached perspective. But dealing with
corporate corruption – ah, that’s another dimension. Even when the
skullduggery is disclosed in the courts and there for public
reporting, media executives would apparently prefer to not expose
their delicate readers to such harsh material (as longtime finance
journalist and court reporter Anne Lampe found at the decaying
Sydney Morning Herald).
What goes on behind closed doors between banks and the media generally
stays behind closed doors. But a lesson in bank muscle was displayed
on Media Watch on 16 October in its ‘bad line for Bangalore’ story. A
Daily Telegraph reporter had claimed that ANZ was offshoring
Australian call centre jobs in low wage India. But when the Tele
reporter failed to get ANZ’s version readily into print, the bank
replied with this:
I can confirm ANZ pulled all of its advertising from News Limited, including Foxtel and News websites such as MySpace…Our advertising with New[s] Limited is worth $4 to 5 million and accounts for about 10 per cent of ANZ's advertising budget. Email from ANZ's Paul Edwards (head of corporate communications) to Media Watch.
As odious as is the News
Limited outfit, the action by the ANZ highlights the power of the
banks as large advertisers and their willingness to use it nakedly.
One arena that corporates find harder to crack is the floor of
parliament. But the reportage of corporate malfeasance in parliament
depends on hard work and courage, two qualities rarely found in
members of parliament. One such individual was Democrat Senator Paul
McLean whose reporting of bank malpractice into Hansard became an
obsession. Harassment followed (the Labor Government sooled the Tax
Office onto him and his staffer to divert McLean from preparation for
his appearance before the Banking Inquiry in 1991 – a contemptible
abuse of authority), until McLean quit soon after in exhaustion and
disgust at parliamentary and regulatory corruption.
Queensland State member for Maryborough Chris Foley has exhibited
atypical courage in tabling NAB material in the Queensland House.
Foley’s actions were in support of Bundaberg resident Sante Troiani
and the loss of his business Wide Bay Bricks through NAB foreclosure.
The local Fraser Coast Chronicle duly
reported the story, but not before the account was self-censored
by the paper after harassment by the NAB.
One element of this story remains peculiar, however. Troiani accuses
the NAB of destroying his business on behalf of Boral (with whom NAB
had directors in common), a competitor of WBB. This accusation is very
serious indeed. Certainly nobody reads the Fraser Coast Chronicle
but Fraser Coast residents, but presumably principles are principles,
and claims of this seriousness, if left unrefuted, may fester in the
minds of untutored readers. So why hasn't the NAB pursued the
Chronicle over the reported claim, given its comprehensive
aggression towards adverse coverage in the media? Is there the awful
prospect that there is substance in the claim?
Mid 2006 saw another example of the NAB attempting to manipulate its
image. A complaint from a savvy customer to the Bank Ombudsman
relating to the charges on his NAB accounts led to a confrontation
that there was systematic overcharging on a number of bank products
(ironically, no systematic undercharging).
The problem was symptomatic of the age. Greater diversity and
complexity of bank products combined with more software-driven
automatic processing and a deterioration in attention to staff
training. The problem was not the NAB’s alone.
What is relevant here is that the NAB tried to shut down appropriate
media reporting of the issues. Fairfax journalists were harassed; Nick
Coates at the Australian Consumers’ Association was harassed. The
story, and the extent of the problems, eventually trickled out (c/f
Sydney
Morning Herald, 14 June), which has helped to quicken the
pace at which the NAB has
dealt with the backlog over overcharging. Whether the NAB
confronts systematically the dysfunctionality of its accounting and
processing infrastructure is another matter.
The piece de resistance regarding the NAB and publicity is
the case of Today Tonight. The Today Tonight team in South Australia
started with a local case of a local builder whose business was
foreclosed after a fight with the NAB over negligence and
misrepresentation of an insurance policy. The Team then added two
Queensland cases and the story
went to air on Tuesday 4th April. Today Tonight splits Australia
down the middle, and so this story went to air in South Australia and
Western Australia.
Given that Queensland figured significantly in the story, and given
that the subject is of national significance, the expectation was that
the South Australian production would appear soon after on Today
Tonight’s more populated East Coast coverage. It didn’t. Why not?
Sources in Channel Seven Melbourne and legal circles in Brisbane point
to the NAB heavying Channel Seven. So no show. (Incidentally, guess
which company has an advertisement on Today Tonight's contact website?
The NAB doesn't miss a trick.)
This might explain why Naomi Robson and her Today Tonight team went
off to darkest Papua in search of cannibals. Because they had run out
of suburban Dodgy Brothers stories. And because corporate Dodgy
Brothers stories are not allowed to be on the menu.
Which leads one to ask why one bothers to read the press or watch the
television? Especially as ABC and SBS are now being brought to heel.
On Wednesday morning this week, Margaret Throsby interviewed Richard
Flanagan, author of The Unknown Terrorist. (As did Kerrie
O’Brien on the 7.30 Report. Sorry Kerrie. You’ll soon be following
Media Watch and the Glass House out the door. And possibly Margaret
Throsby to follow, unless she chooses her guests more circumspectly.)
Tasmanian resident Flanagan recounted how he was unexpectedly thrown
into the limelight, when he questioned the close relationship between
the private logging company Gunns and the Tasmanian Labor Government.
He was accused of being a traitor, and was told by Premier Lennon that
he and his writings were not welcome in Tasmania. The Tasmanian media
(Murdoch’s Mercury?) carried the official message of
Flanagan’s perfidy. (It doesn’t help that Richard’s brother Martin is
a Melbourne Age journalist, that pinko paper, equally and
publically unhappy with the Gunns/Government marriage. No worries,
after Fairfax is taken over, Martin’s treachery will be duly noted and
he will be looking for another job.)
Richard Flanagan talks about a ‘cowed and intimidated’ media, of an
Australia that is ‘on the verge of a terrible darkness’, in which
‘anyone who challenges power and money is attacked’.
The NAB’s relationship with the Australian media would tend to support
Flanagan’s pessimistic assessment. To repeat: 'Active, informed
community discussion, and good journalism as the essential elements of
good governance.'








